Importance of military history Essay

Military professionals should take out time from their busy schedules to read military history because military history is the very foundation of their knowledge of tactics and strategy. It is also the foundation on which the theoretical and practical training troops and the development of training directives are based. A careful study of objective military history with an open mind and with the determination of learning from the experiences of others will be of great benefit to any military professional. According to Gen. Charles L. Bolte, former Vice Chief of Staff, and Department of the Army; â€Å"The past must be studied as the basis for, and a guide to, the study of the future. To make a sound prediction one must project the past into the future. † The American Army has followed the advice of such great captains as Frederick the Great and Napoleon, as well as of others who have more recently made their mark on the pages of history. Napoleon has written, â€Å"†¦ the knowledge of the higher arts of war is not acquired except by experience and the study of history of wars and the battles of great captains. † Gen. George S. Patton Jr. , one of America’s great offensive battle leaders, also emphasized the importance of history. His words, written on the battlefield, were: â€Å"To be a successful soldier you must know history, reads it objectively- dates and even minute details of tactics are useless†¦ You must read biography and especially autobiography. If military professional do it they find war is simple. The study of past is fundamental to the preparation for the next, for current military problems cannot be solved without an understanding of the past from which they stem. The military professionals must be rooted in the past to understand the present that he may project himself into the future. Reference US Department of the Army. (2001). The Writing of American Military History: A Guide. New York: The Minerva Group, Inc. pg 1,7,10,9,12.

Structural Functional Approach

Retrieved from: http://www. cifas. us/smith/chapters. html Title: â€Å"A structural approach to comparative politics. † Author(s): M. G. Smith Source: In Varieties of Political Theory. David Easton, ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. p. 113-128. Reprinted in Corporations and Society. p. 91-105. FIVE M. G. SMITH University of California, Los Angeles A Structural Approach to Comparative Politics Comparative politics seeks to discover regularities and variations of political organization by comparative analysis of historical and contemporary systems.Having isolated these regularities and variations, it seeks to determine the factors which underlie them, in order to discover the properties and conditions of polities of varying types. It then seeks to reduce these observations to a series of interconnected propositions applicable to all these systems in both static and changing conditions. Hopefully, one can then enquire how these governmental processes relate to the wider m ilieux of which they are part. It would seem that this comparative enquiry may be pursued i~. various ways that all share the same basic strategy, but differ in emphases arid sta~ ­ ing points.Their common strategy is to abstract one aspect of political reality and develop it as a frame of reference. With this variable held constant, enquiries can seek to determine the limits within which other dimensions vary; as the value of the primary variable is changed, the forms and values of the others, separately or together, can also be investigated. Ideally, we should seek to deduce relevant hypotheses from a general body of theory, and then to check and refine them by inductive analyses of historical and ethnographic data. ActuaJ procedures vary. 113 114 /A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS Initially, we might expect anyone of four approaches to be useful in the comparative study of political systems. These four approaches use respectively the dimensions of process, content, function, and form as the bases for their conceptual frameworks. In fact, cOlIlparative studies based on process and content face insuperable obstacles due to the enormous variability of political systems. In centralized polities, the institutional processes of government are elaborately differentiated, discrete, and easy to identify.They are often the subject, as well as the source, of a more or less complex and precise body of rules which may require specialists to interpret them. In simpler societies, the corresponding processes are rarely differentiated and discrete. They normally occur within the context of institutional activities with multiple functions, and are often difficult to abstract and segregate for analysis as self-contained processual systems. Before this is possible, we need independent criteria to distinguish the governmental and nongovernmental dimensions of these institutional forms.The substantive approach rests on the category of content. By the con.. tent of a governmental system, I mean its specific substantive concerns and resources, whether material, human, or symbolic. As a rule, the more differentiated and complex the governmental processes are, the greater the range and complexity of content. This follows because the content and processes of government vary together. Since both these frameworks are interdependent and derivative, both presuppose independent criteria for identifying government. The functional approach avoids these limitations.It defines government functionally as all those activities which influence â€Å"the way in which authoritative decisions are formulated and executed for a society. â€Å"l From this starting point, various refined conceptual schemes can be developed. As requisites or implications of these decisional processes, David Easton identifies five modes of action as necessary elements of all political systems: legislation, administration, adjudication, the development of demands, and the development of support and solidarity. They may be grouped as input and output requisites of governmental systems.According to Almond, the universally necessary inputs are political socialization and recruitment, interest articulation, interest aggregation, and political communication. As outputs, he states that rule making, rule application, and rule adjudication are all universa1. 2 Neither of these categorical schemes specifies foreign relations and defense, which are two very general governmental concerns; nor is it easy to see how these schemes could accommodate political processes in non-societal units. Such deductive models suffer from certain inexplicit assumptions with1David Easton, â€Å"An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems,† World Politics, IX, No. 3 (1957), 384. 2 Gabriel Almond, â€Å"Introduction† to Almond and James S. Coleman, The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961). A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITIC S / 115 out which the initial exclusive stress on political functions might be im- . possible. But despite their universal claims, it remains to be shown that Bushmen, Pygmies, or Eskimos have governments which are functionally homologous with those of the United States and the Soviet Union.Legislation, rule adjudication, and interest articulation are categories appropriate to the discussion of complex, modern polities rather than simple, primitive ones. But the problem which faces the student of comparative politics is to develop a conceptual framework useful and applicable to all. To impute the features and conditions of modern polities to the less differentiated primitive systems is virtually to abandon the central problem of comparative politics. The functional approach, as usually presented, suffers from a further defect: It assumes a rather special ensemble of structural conditions.When â€Å"authoritative decisions are formulated and executed for a society,† this unit must be territorially delimited and politically centralized. The mode of centralization should also endow government with â€Å"more-or-Iess legitimate physical compulsion. â€Å"3 In short, the reality to which the model refers is the modern nation-state. By such criteria, ethnography shows that the boundaries of many societies are fluctuating and obscure, and that the authoritative status of decisions made in and for them are even more so.Clearly bounded societies with centralized authority systems are perhaps a small minority of the polities with which we have to deal. A structural approach free of these functional presumptions may thus be useful, but only if it can accommodate the full range of political systems and elucidate the principles which underlie their variety. In this paper, I shall only indicate the broad outlines of this approach. I hope to present it more fully in the future. Government is the regulation of public affairs.This regulation is a set of processes whic h defines government functionally, and which also identifies its content as the affairs which are regulated, and the resources used to regulate them. It does not seem useful or necessary to begin a comparative study of governmental systems by deductive theories which predicate their minimum universal content, requisites, or features. The critical element in government is its public character. Without a public, there can be neither public affairs nor processes to regulate them.Moreover, while all governments presuppose publics, all publics have governments for the management of their affairs. The nature of these publics is therefore the first object of study. Publics vary in scale, composition, and character, and it is reasonable to suppose that their common affairs and regulatory arrangements will vary correspondingly. The first task of a structural approach to comparative politics is thus to identify the properties of a public and to indicate the principal varieties and bases of pu blics. 3 Almond, â€Å"Introduction,† p. . 116 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS As I use the term, public does not include mobs, crowds, casual assemblies, or mass-communication audiences. It does not refer to such categories as resident aliens, the ill, aged, or unwed, or to those social segments which lack common affairs and organized procedures to regulate them-for example, slaves, some clans, and unenfranchised strata such as the medieval serfs or the harijans of India. Such categories are part of one or more publics; they are not separate publics of their own.For example, in an Indian village, a medieval manor, or a slave plantation, members of the disprivileged categories constitute a public only if they form an enduring group having certain common affairs and the organization and autonomy necessary to regulate them; but the existence of such local publics is not in itself sufficient for the strata from which their memberships are drawn to have the status of publics. For this to be the case, these local publics must be organized into a single group co-extensive with the stratum. With such organization, we shall expect to find a set of common affairs and procedures to regulate them.The organization is itself an important common affair and a system of institutional procedures. By a public, then, I mean an enduring, presumably perpetual group with determinate boundaries and membership, having an internal organization and a unitary set of external relations, an exclusive body of common affairs, and autonomy and procedures adequate to regulate them. It will be evident that a public can neither come into being nor maintain its existence without some set of procedures by which it regulates its internal and external affairs. These procedures together form the governmental process of the public.Mobs, crowds, and audiences are not publics, because they lack presumptive continuity, internal organization, common affairs, procedures, and autonom y. For this reason, they also lack the determinate boundaries and membership which are essential for a durable group. While the categories mentioned above are fixed and durable, they also lack the internal organization and procedures which constitute a group. When groups are constituted so that their continuity, identity, autonomy, organization, and exclusive affairs are not disturbed by the entrance or exit of their individual members, they have the character of a public.The city of Santa Monica shares these properties with the United States, the Roman Catholic Church, Bushman bands, the dominant caste of an Indian village, the Mende Pora, an African lineage, a Nahuatl or Slavonic village community, Galla and Kikuyu age-sets, societies among the Crow and Hidatsa Indians, universities, medieval guilds, chartered companies, regiments, and such â€Å"voluntary† associations as the Yoruba Ogboni, the Yako lkpungkara, and the American Medical Association. The units just listed ar e all publics and all are corporate groups; the governmental process inherent in publics is a feature of all corporate groups.Corporate groups-Maine's â€Å"corporations aggregate†-are one species of â€Å"perfect† or fully-fledged corporation, the other being the â€Å"corporation A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 117 sole† exemplified by such offices as the American Presidency, the British Crown, the Papacy, governorships, chieftaincies, and university chancellorships. Corporations sole and corporate groups share the following characteristics, all of which are necessary for â€Å"perfect† or full corporate status: identity, presumed perpetuity, closure and membership, autonomy within a given sphere, exclusive common affairs, set procedures, and organization.The first four of these qualities are formal and primarily external in their reference; they define the unit in relation to its context. The last four conditions are processual and func tional, and primarily internal in their reference. The main differences between corporations sole and corporate groups are structural, though developmental differences are also important. Corporate groups are pluralities to which an unchanging unity is ascribed; viewed externally, each forms â€Å"one person,† as Fortes characterized the Ashanti matrilineages. This external indivisibility of the corporate group is not merely a jural postulate. It inevitably presumes and involves governmental processes within the group. In contrast with a corporate group, an office is a unique status having only one incumbent at any given time. Nonetheless, successive holders of a common office are often conceived of and addressed as a group. The present incumbent is merely one link in a chain of indefinite extent, the temporary custodian of all the properties, powers, and privileges which constitute the office.As such, incumbents may legitimately seek to aggrandize their offices at the expens e of similar units or of the publics to which these offices relate; but they are not personally authorized to alienate or reduce the rights and powers of the status temporarily entrusted to them. The distinction between the capital of an enterprise and the personalty of its owners is similar to the distinction between the office and its incumbent. It is this distinction that enables us to distinguish ffices from other personal statuses most easily. It is very possible that in social evolution the corporate group preceded the corporation sole. However, once authority is adequately centralized, offices tend to become dominant; and then we often find that offices are instituted in advance of the publics they will regulate or represent, as, for example, when autocrats order the establishment of new towns, settlements, or colonies under officials designated to set up and administer them.There are many instances in which corporate groups and offices emerge and develop in harmony and congr uence, and both may often lapse at once as, for example, when a given public is conquered and assimilated. These developmental relations are merely one aspect of the very variable but fundamental relation between offices and corporate groups. Despite Weber, there are a wide range of corporate groups which lack stable leaders, 4 Meyer Fortes, â€Å"Kinship and Marriage among the Ashanti,† in African Sys- tems of Kinship and Marriage, eds. A. R.Radcliffe-Brown and Daryll Forde (London: Oxford University Press, 1950), pp. 254-61. 118 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS much less official heads. Others may have senior members whose authority is at best advisory and representative; yet others have a definite council or an official head, or both. In many cases, we have to deal with a public constituted by a number of coordinate corporate groups of similar type. The senior members of these groups may form a collegial body to administer the common affairs of the public, w ith variable powers.Ibo and Indian village communities illustrate this well. In such contexts, where superordinate offices emerge, they often have a primarily sacred symbolic quality, as do the divine kingships of the Ngonde and Shilluk, but lack effective secular control. Between this extreme and an absolute despotism, there are a number of differing arrangements which only a comparative structural analysis may reduce to a single general order. Different writers stress different features of corporate organization, and sometimes employ these to â€Å"explain† these social forms.Weber, who recognizes the central role of corporate groups in political systems, fails to distinguish them adequately from offices (or â€Å"administrative organs,† as he calls them). 5 For Weber, corporate groups are defined by coordinated action under leaders who exercise de facto powers of command over them. The inadequacy of this view is patent when Barth employs it as the basis for denying to lineages and certain other units the corporate status they normally have, while reserving the term corporate for factions of a heterogeneous and contingent character. Maine, on the other hand, stresses the perpetuity of the corporation and its inalienable bundle of rights and obligations, the estate with which it is indentified. 7 For Gierke,s Durkheim,9 and Davis,10 corporate groups are identified by their common will, collective conscienc~, and group personality. For Goody, only named groups holding material property in common are corporate. 1! These definitions all suffer from overemphasis on some elements, and corresponding inattention to others. The common action characteristic of corporate groups rarely embraces the application of violence which both Weber and Barth seem to stress.Mass violence often proceeds independ5 Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, trans. A. R. Henderson and Talcott Parsons (London: Wm. Hodge & Co. , 1947), pp. 133-37, 302-5. 6 Fredrik Barth, Political Leadership among Swat Pathans. Monographs in Social Anthropology, London School of Economics, No. 19 (London: University of London Press, 1959). 7 H. S. Maine, Ancient Law (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. , 1904), p. 155. S Otto Gierke, Natural Law and the Theory of Society, 1500 to 1800, trans. Ernest Barker (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957). Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labour in Society, trans. George E. Simpson (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, Inc. , 1933). 10 John P. Davis, Corporations (New York: Capricorn Books, 1961), p. 34. 11 Jack Goody, â€Å"The Classification of Double Descent Systems,† Current Anthropology; II, No. 1 (1961), 5, 22-3. A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 119 ently of corporate groups. Corporate action is typically action to regulate corporate affairs-that is, to exercise and protect corporate rights, to enforce corporate obligations, and to allocate corporate responsibilities and privileges.When a group hol ds a common estate, this tenure and its exercise inevitably involve corporate action, as does any ritual in which the members or representatives of the group engage as a unit. Even the maintenance of the group's identity and closure entails modes of corporate action, the complexity and implications of which vary with the situation. It is thus quite fallacious to identify corporate action solely with coordinated physical movements. A chorus is not a corporate group.The presumed perpetuity, boundedness, determinate membership, and identity of a corporation, all more or less clearly entail one another, as do its requisite features of autonomy, organization, procedure, and common affairs. It is largely because of this interdependence and circularity among their elements that corporations die so hard; but by the same token, none of these elements alone can constitute or maintain a corporation. An office persists as a unit even if it is not occupied, providing that the corpus of rights, r esponsibilities, and powers which constitute it still persists.To modify or eliminate the office, it is necessary to modify. or eliminate its content. Among ! Kung bushmen, bands persist as corporate groups even when they have no members or heads12 ; these bands are units holding an inalienable estate of water holes, veldkos areas, etc. , and constitute the fixed points of ! Kung geography and society. The Bushman's world being constituted by corporate bands, the reconstitution of these bands is unavoidable, whenever their dissolution makes this necessary.As units which are each defined by an exclusive universitas juris, corporations provide the frameworks of law and authoritative regulation for the societies that they constitute. The corporate estate includes rights in the persons of its members as well as in material or incorporeal goods. In simpler societies, the bulk of substantive law consists in these systems of corporate right and obligation, and includes the conditions and c orrelates of membership in corporate groups of differing type. In such societies, adjectival law consists in the usual modes of corporate procedure. To a much greater extent than is commonly ealized, this is also the case with modern societies. The persistence, internal autonomy, and structural uniformity of the corporations which constitute the society ensure corresponding uniformity in its jural rules and their regular application over space and time. As modal units of social process and structure, corporations provide the framework in which the jural aspects of social relations are defined and enforced. Tribunals are merely functionally specific corporations charged with handling issues of certain kinds. Neither tribunals nor â€Å"the systematic ap12 Lorna Marshall, â€Å"! Kung Bushmen Bands,† A/rica, XXX (1960), 325- 5). 120 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS plication of the force of politically organized society†13 are necessary or sufficient for t he establishment of law. The law of a primitive society consists in its traditional procedures and modes of corporate action, and is implicit in the traditional rights, obligations, and conditions of corporate membership. In such societies, units which hold the same type of corporate estate are structurally homologous, and are generally articulated in such a way that each depends on the tacit recognition or active support of its fellows to maintain and enjoy its estate.Thus, in these simpler systems, social order consists in the regulation of relations between the constitutive corporations as well as within them. In societies which lack central political organs, societal boundaries coincide with the maximum range of an identical corporate constitution, on the articulation of which the social order depends. Though the component corporations are all discrete, they are also interdependent. But they may be linked together in a number of different ways, with consequent differences in the ir social systems.In some cases, functionally distinct corporations may be classified together in purely formal categories, such as moieties, clans, or castes. The Kagoro of northern Nigeria illustrate this. 14 In other cases, corporations which are formally and functionally distinct may form a wider public having certain common interests and affairs. The LoDagaba of northern Ghana and Upper Volta are an example. 15 In still other cases, corporations are linked individually to one another in a complex series of alliances and associations, with overlapping margins in such a way that they all are related, directly or indirectly, in the same network.Fortes has given us a very detailed analysis of such a system among the Tallensi. 16 However they are articulated in societies which lack central institutions, it is the extensive replication of these corporate forms which defines the unit as a separate system. Institutional uniformities, which include similarities of organization, ideology , and procedure, are quite sufficient to give these acephalous societies systemic unity, even where, as among the Kachins of Burma, competing institutional forms divide the allegiance of their members. 7 To say that corporations provide the frameworks of primitive law, and that the tribunals of modem societies are also corporate forms, is simply to say that corporations are the central agencies for the regulation of public affairs, being themselves each a separate public or organ, administering certain affairs, and together constituting wider publics or associations of publics 13 Roscoe Pound, Readings on the History and System 0/ the Common Law, 2nd ed. (Boston: Dunster House Bookshop, 1913), p. 4. 14 M. G.Smith, â€Å"Kagoro Political Development,† Human Organization, XIX, No. 3 (1960), 37-49. 15 Jack Goody, â€Å"Fields of Social Control among the LoDagaba,† Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LXXXVII, Part I (1957),75-104. 16 Meyer Fortes, The Dynamics 0/ Clanship among the Tallensi (London: Oxford University Press, 1945). 17 E. R. Leach, Political Systems of Highland Burma (London: G. Bell & Sons, Ltd. , 1954). A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 121 for others. By the same token, they are the sources or frameworks of disorder.In some acephalous societies, disorder seems more or less perennial, and consists mainly in strife within and between corporations. Centralization, despite its merits, does not really exclude disorder. In concentrating authority, it simultaneously concentrates the vulnerability of the system. Accordingly, in centralized societies, serious conflicts revolve around the central regulative structures, as, for instance, in secessionist or revolutionary struggles, dynastic or religious wars, and â€Å"rituals of rebellion. â€Å"18 Such conflicts with or for central power normally affect the entire social body.In acephalous societies, on the other hand, conflicts over the regime may proceed in one r egion without implicating the others. 19 In both the centralized and decentralized systems, the sources and objects of conflict are generally corporate. Careful study of Barth's account of the Swat Pathans shows that this is true for them also, although the aggregates directly contraposed are factions and blocs. 20 Societal differences in the scale, type, and degree of order and coordination, or in the frequency, occasions, and forms of social conflict are important data and problems for political science.To analyze them adequately, one must use a comparative structural approach. Briefly, recent work suggests that the quality and modes of order in any social system reflect its corporate constitution-that is, the variety of corporate types which constitute it, their distinctive bases and properties, and the way in which they are related to one another. The variability of political systems which derives from this condition is far more complex and interesting than the traditional dicho tomy of centralized and noncentralized systems would suggest.I have already indicated some important typological differences within the category of acephalous societies; equally significant differences within the centralized category are familiar to all. This traditional dichotomy assumes that centralization has a relatively clear meaning, from which a single, inclusive scale may be directly derived. This assumption subsumes a range of problems which require careful study; but in any event, centralization is merely one aspect of political organization, and not necessarily the most revealing.Given variability in the relations between corporations sole and corporate groups, and in their bases and forms, it seems more useful to distinguish systems according to their structural simplicity or complexity, by reference to · the variety of corporate units of differing forms, bases, and functions which they contain, and the principles which serve to articulate them. Patently, such differen ces in composition imply differences in the relational networks in which these corporations articulate. Such ifferences in structural composition simultaneously describe the variety of political forms 18 Max Gluckman, Rituals of Rebellion in South East Africa (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1954); â€Å"Introduction† to Gluckman, Order and Rebellion in Tribal Africa (London: Cohen & West, 1963). 19 Leach, Political Systems 0/ Highland Burma. 20 Barth, Political Leadership among Swat Pathans. 122 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS and processes, and explain differences in the scale, order, and coordination of polities.This is so because corporate organization provides the framework, content, and procedures for the regulation of public affairs. For this reason, the analysis of corporate structure should be the first task in the case study of a political system and in comparative work. For many political scientists, the concept of sovereignty is essential as the foundation of governmental order and autonomy. In my view, this notion is best dispensed with. It is a hindrance rather than a help to analysis, an unhappy solution of a very real problem which has been poorly formulated. In a system of sovereign states, no state is sovereign.As etymology shows, the idea of sovereignty derives from the historically antecedent condition of personal dominion such as kingship, and simply generalizes the essential features of this form as an ideology appropriate to legitimate and guide other forms of centralization. The real problem with which the notion of sovereignty deals is the relation between autonomy and coordination. As the fundamental myth of the modern nation-state, the concept is undoubtedly important in the study of these states; its historical or analytical usefulness is otherwise very doubtful.It seems best to formulate the problems of simultaneous coordination and autonomy in neutral terms. As units administering exclusive common a ffairs, corporations presuppose well-defined spheres and levels of autonomy, which are generally no more nor less than the affairs of these units require for their adequate regulation. Where a corporation fully subsumes all the juridical rights of its members so that their corporate identification is exclusive and lifelong, the tendencies toward autarchy are generally greatest, the stress on internal autonomy most pronounced, and relations between corporations most brittle.This seems to be the case with certain types of segmentary lineage systems, such as the Tallensi. Yet even in these conditions, and perhaps to cope with them, we usually find institutional bonds of various types such as ritual cooperation, local community, intermarriage, clanship, and kinship which serve to bind the autarchic individual units into a series of wider publics, or a set of dyadic or triadic associations, the members of which belong to several such publics simultaneously.Weber's classification of corpo rate groups as heteronomous or autonomous, heterocephalous or autocephalous, touches only those aspects of this problem in which he was directly interested. 21 We need also to analyze and compare differing levels, types, and degrees of autonomy and dependence in differing social spheres and situations. From comparative studies of these problems, we may hope to derive precise hypotheses about the conditions and limits of corporate autonomy and articulation in systems of differing composition and span. These hypotheses should also illuminate the conditions and limits of social disorder.Besides the â€Å"perfect† or fully-fledged corporations, offices and corpo21 Weber, Theory 0/ Social and Economic Organization, pp. 135-36. A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 123 rate groups, there are â€Å"imperfect† quasicorporations with must also be studied explicitly. The two main forms here are the corporate category and the commission. A corporate category is a clearl y bounded, identifiable, and permanent aggregate which differs from the corporate group in lacking exclusive common affairs, autonomy, procedures adequate for their regulation, and the internal organization which constitutes the group.Viewed externally, acephalous societies may be regarded as corporate categories in their geographical contexts, since each lacks a single inclusive frame of organization. But they are categories of a rather special type, since, as we have seen, their institutional uniformity provides an effective basis for functional unity. In medieval Europe, serfs formed a corporate category even though on particular manors they may have formed corporate groups.Among the Turkana22 and Karimojong23 of East Africa, age-sets are corporate categories since they lack internal organization, exclusive affairs, distinctive procedures, and autonomy. Among the nearby Kipsigi24 and Nandi25 clans are categorical units. These clans have names and identifying symbols, a determinat e membership recruited by agnatic descent, certain ritual and social prohibitions of which exogamy is most important, and continuity over time; but they lack internal organization, common affairs, procedures and autonomy to regulate them.Though they provide a set of categories into which all members of these societies are distributed, they never function as social groups. Not far to the south, in Ruanda, the subject Hutu caste formed a corporate category not so long ago. 26 This â€Å"caste† had a fixed membership, closure, easy identification, and formed a permanent structural unit in the Tutsi state. Rutu were excluded from the political process, as a category and almost to a man. They lacked any inclusive internal organization, exclusive affairs, autonomy, or procedures to regulate them.Under their Tutsi masters, they held the status of serfs; but when universal suffrage was recently introduced, Rutu enrolled in political parties such as the Parmehutu Aprosoma which succee ded in throwing off the Tutsi yoke and expelling the monarchy. 27 In order to become corporate groups, corporate categories need to develop an effective representative organization, such for instance as may now be emerging among American Negroes. In the American case, this corporate category is seeking to organize itself in order to remove the disprivileges which define it as a category.Some corporate 22 Philip Gulliver, â€Å"The Turkana Age Organization,† American Anthropologist, LX (1958), 900-922. 23 Neville Dyson-Hudson, to author, 1963. 24 J. G. Peristiany, The Social Institutions of the Kipsigis (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. , 1939). 25 G. W. B. Huntingford, The Nandi of Kenya (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. , 1953). 26 J. J. Maquet, The Premise of Inequality in Ruanda (London: Oxford University Press, 1960). 27 Marcel d'Hertefelt, â€Å"Les Elections Communales et Ie Consensus Politique au Rwanda,† Zaire, XIV, Nos. -6 (1960), 403-38. 124 / A STRUC TURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS categories are thus merely formal units lacking common functions; others are defined by common disabilities and burdens, though lacking common affairs. Under Islam, the dhimmi formed such a category; in India, so do the individual castes. The disabilities and prohibitions which define categories are not always directly political; they include exogamy and ritual taboos. Commissions differ from offices along lines which recall the differences between corporate categories and corporate groups.Like categories, commissions fall into two main classes: one class includes ad hoc and normally discontinuous capacities of a vaguely defined character, having diffuse or specific objects. The other class includes continuing series of indefinite number, the units of which are all defined in such general terms as to appear structurally and functionally equivalent and interchangeable. Familiar examples of the latter class are military commissions, magistracies, professorships, and priesthoods; but the sheiks and sa'ids of Islam belong here also.Examples of the first class, in which the powers exercised are unique but discontinuous and ill-defined, include parliamentary commissions of enquiry or other ad hoc commissions, and plenipotentiaries commissioned to negotiate special arrangements. In some societies, such as the Eskimo, Bushman, and Nuer, individuals having certain gifts may exercise informal commissions which derive support and authority from public opinion. The Nuer â€Å"bull,† prophet, and leopard-skin priests are examples. 28 Among the Eskimos, the shaman and the fearless hunter-warrior have similar positions. 9 The persistence of these commissions, despite turnover of personnel and their discontinuous action, is perhaps the best evidence of their importance in these social systems. For their immediate publics, such commissions personalize social values of high relevance and provide agencies for ad hoc regulation and gu idance of action. In these humble forms, we may perceive the seeds of modern bureaucracy. Commissions are especially important as regulatory agencies in social movements under charismatic leaders, and during periods of popular unrest.The charismatic leadership is itself merely the supreme directing commission. As occasion requires, the charismatic leader creates new commissions by delegating authority and power to chosen individuals for special tasks. The careers of Gandhi, Mohammed, Hitler, and Shehu Usumanu dan Fodio in Hausaland illustrate this pattern well. So does the organization and development of the various Melanesian â€Å"cargo cults. â€Å"30 But if the commission is to be institutionalized as a unit of permanent administration, its arbitrary 28 E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer (London: Oxford University Press, 940). 29 Kaj Birket-Smith, The Eskimo (London: Meuthuen & Co. , Ltd. , 1960); V. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo (New York: The Crowell-Collier Publishing Co . , 1962). 80 Peter Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound (London: McGibbon & Kee, 1957). A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVB POLma / 125 character must be replaced by set rules, procedures, and spheres of action; this institutionalization converts the commission into an office in the same way that its organization converts the corporate category into a corporate group.Moreover, in the processes by which corporate categories organize themselves as groups, charismatic leadership and its attached commissions are the critical agencies. The current movement for civil rights among American Negroes illustrates this neatly. Any given public may include offices, commissions, corporate categories, and corporate groups of differing bases and type. In studying governmental systems, we must therefore begin by identifying publics and analyzing their internal constitution as well as their external relationships in these terms.It is entirely a matter of convenience whether we choose to begin with the smallest units and work outwards to the limits of their relational systems, or to proceed in the opposite direction. Given equal thoroughness, the results should be the same in both cases. Any governmental unit is corporate, and any public may include, wholly or in part, a number of such corporations. These units and their interrelations together define the internal order and constitution of the public and its network of external relations.Both in the analysis of particular systems and in comparative work, we should therefore begin by determining the corporate composition of the public under study, by distinguishing its corporate groups, offices, commissions, and categories, and by defining their several properties and features. As already mentioned, we may find, in some acephalous societies, a series of linked publics with intercalary corporations and overlapping margins. We may also find that a single corporate form, such as the Mende Para or the Roman Catholic Church, cuts across a number of quite distinct and mutually independent publics.An alternative mode of integration depends on the simultaneous membership of individuals in several distinct corporations of differing constitution, interest and kind. Thus, an adult Yako81 simultaneously belongs to a patrilineage, a matrilineage, an age-set in his ward, the ward (which is a distinct corporate group), one or more functionally specific corporate associations at the ward or village level, and the village, which is the widest public. Such patterns of overlapping and dispersed membership may characterize both individuals and corporations equally.The corporations will then participate in several discrete publics, each with its exclusive affairs, autonomy, membership, and procedures, just as the individual participates in several corporations. It is this dispersed, multiple membership which is basic to societal unity, whether or not government is centralized. Even though the inclusive public with a centralized a uthority system is a corporate group, and a culturally distinct population 81Daryll Forde, Yako Studies (London: Oxford University Press, 1964); Kenneth Little, The -Mende of Sierra Leone (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. 1951). 126 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS without this remains a corporate category, functionally both aggregates derive their underlying unities from the same mechanism of crosscutting memberships, loyalties, and cleavages. In the structural study of a given political system, we must therefore define its corporate constitution, determine the principles on which these corporate forms are based, and see how they articulate with one another.In comparative study, we seek to determine what differences or uniformities of political process, content, and function correspond with observable differences or uniformities of corporate composition and articulation. For this purpose, we must isolate the structural principles on which the various types of cor porations are based in order to determine their requisites and implications, and to assess their congruence or discongruence. To indicate my meaning, it is sufficient to list the various principles on which corporate groups and categories may be based.These include sex, age, locality, ethnicity, descent, common property interests, ritual and belief, occupation, and â€Å"voluntary† association for diffuse or specific pursuits. Ethnographic data show that we shall rarely find corporate groups which are based exclusively on one of these principles. As a rule, their foundations combine two, three, or more principles, with corresponding complexity and stability in their organization. Thus, lineages are recruited and defined by descent, common property interests, and generally co-residence.Besides equivalence in age, age-sets presume sameness of sex and, for effective incorporation, local co-residence. Guilds typically stressed occupation and locality; but they were also united by property interests in common market facilities. In India, caste is incorporated on the principles of descent, ritual, and occupation. Clearly, differing combinations of these basic structural principles will give rise to corporations of differing type, complexity, and capacity; and these differences will also affect the content, functions, forms, and contextual relations of the units which incorporate them.It follows that differing combinations of these differing corporate forms underlie the observable differences of order and process in political organization. This is the broad hypothesis to which the comparative- structural study of political systems leads. It is eminently suited to verification or disproof. By the same token, uniformities in corporate composition and organization between, as well as within, societies should entail virtual identities of political process, content, and form.When, to the various possible forms of corporate group differentiated by the combination of structural principles on which they are based and by the relations to their corporate contexts which these entail, we add the other alternatives of office, commission, and category, themselves variable with respect to the principles which constitute them, we simultaneously itemize the principal elements which give rise to the variety of political forms, and the principles and methods by which we can reasonably hopeA STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 127 to reduce them to a single general order. Since corporations are essential regulatory units of variable character, their different combinations encompass the entire range of variability of political systems on the functional, processual, and substantive, as well as on the structural levels. Within this structural framework, we may also examine the nature of the regulatory process, its constituents, modes, and objectives.The basic elements of regulation are authority and power. Though always interdependent and often combi ned, they should not be confused. As a regulatory capacity, authority is legitimated and identified by the rules, traditions, and precedents which embody it and which govern its exercise and objects. Power is also regulatory, but is neither fully prescribed nor governed by norms and rules. Whereas authority presumes and expresses normative consensus, power is most evident in conflict and contraposition where dissensus obtains.In systems of public regulation, these conditions of consent and dissent inevitably concur, although they vary in their forms, objects, and proportions. Such systems accordingly depend on the simultaneous exercise and interrelation of the power and authority with which they are identified. Structural analysis enables us to identify the various contexts in which these values and capacities appear, the forms they may take, the objectives they may pursue, and their typical relations with one another within as well as between corporate units.In a structurally homog eneous system based on replication of a single corporate form, the mode of corporate organization will canalize the authority structure and the issues of conflict. It will simultaneously determine the forms of congruence or incongruence between the separate corporate groups. In a structurally heterogeneous system having a variety of corporate forms, we shall also have to look for congruence or incongruence among corporations of differing types, and for interdependence or competition at the various structural levels.Any corporate group embodies a set of structures and procedures which enjoy authority. By definition, all corporations sole are such units. Within, around, and between corporations we shall expect to find recurrent disagreements over alternative courses of action, the interpretation and application of relevant rules, the allocation of positions, privileges and obligations, etc. These issues recurrently develop within the framework of corporate interests, and are settled b y direct or indirect exercise of authority and power.Few serious students now attempt to reduce political systems to the modality of power alone; but many, under Weber's influence, seek to analyze governments solely in terms of authority. Both alternatives are misleading. Our analysis simultaneously stresses the difference and the interdependence of authority and power. The greater the structural simplicity of a given system, that is, its dependence on replication of a single corporate form, such as the Bushman band or Tallensi lineage, the greater its decen- 28 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS tralization and the narrower the range in which authority and power may apply. The greater the heterogeneity of corporate types in a given system, the greater the number of levels on which authority and power are simultaneously requisite and manifest, and the more critical their congruence for the integration of the system as a whole.

Non-Intervention

The doctrine or Principal of Non-Interference and humanitarian intervention and their legitimacy/illegitimacy in international law of human rights has long been a subject of debate and has captured a lot of attention. The critical issue in any debate on humanitarian intervention is the need to balance intervention with the principle of sovereignty, which in essence requires that a sovereign state be treated as an independent political unit, its territorial integrity be respected, and it be allowed to pursue its domestic affairs without external interference. Indeed, the issue is a conflict between the ban on the use of force and respect for sovereignty on the one hand, and the duty to uphold and promote human rights on the other. (Negeri, 2011)Should the emphasis be on preventing the use of force between states and maintaining stable relations between them or does the protection of citizens' fundamental rights deserve priority? The relationship between these two interests is complicated and need more attention and effort to do research and examine the topic itself. This paper will address the tension between state sovereignty and humanitarian intervention. Both form an essential part of the international order based on the UN charter and both are of great importance.State sovereignty and Non-intervention in the internal affairs of other states One of the fundamental principles of a state or nation which acts as will to drives its affairs forward and gives some form of control over its domestic or territorial affairs is principle of state sovereignty. It is the foundation of inter-state relations and the basis of the modern world order. Most of the basic standards, rules and practices of international relations have grounded on the premise of state sovereignty. The original meaning of sovereignty is related to the idea of supremacy. According to Wikipedia, Sovereignty is the full right and power of a governing body over itself, without any interference from outside sources or bodies. In political theory, sovereignty is a substantive term designating supreme authority over some polity. (Wikipedia contributors, 2018)

United States Green Building Council Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words - 1

United States Green Building Council - Essay Example The researcher aims to provide an analysis on the topic of green building aspects, that can be traced back to the 19th century. Various architects are seen to have used variuos methods to decrease the impact of structure on the environment. Such systems and methods include ventilators and underground air-cooling chambers in order to regulate air temperature. In the 20th century buildings like New York times and Flatron Building used deep-set windows in controlling interior temperatures, these were effective and lessened the impact of the building on the environment. The USGBC, that is a main focus of this analysis was co-founded in 1993 by Mike Italiano, David Gottfried and Rick Fedrizzi in order to promote the design and construction of buildings that are environmentally responsible, profitable, and healthy places to live and work in. the goals of USBC are well articulated in its mission statement. The researcher also aims to describe Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (L EED), that can be described as a system for designing, constructing and certifying green buildings, homes and neighborhoods. It has a classification system that rate buildings depending on the number of points that a building scores on this scale. The researcher then concluds that today, LEED is used by a number of people including professionals such as architects, real estate professionals, property managers, interior designers, Landscape architects, construction managers, lenders and government officials.

Critical Appraisal of Business Planning Process Essay - 1

Critical Appraisal of Business Planning Process - Essay Example This report describes the importance of strategy, market research and analysis, financials, competitive strategy and generating ideas as fundamental outcomes of proper business planning. Idea generation and strategy External market conditions change rapidly in certain industries, thus driving a need for innovation in order to compete with other businesses operating in the same market environment. Products and services both from an entrepreneurial business and the competitive environment have a specific life cycle by which it generates profitability and consumer adoption patterns. A product or service will move from growth to maturity, a period where sales decline and thus new product development becomes a critical internal activity of the organisation. This is why generating new ideas becomes a paramount objective in the planning process, usually requiring the input of executive leadership and managers to determine how best to introduce a new product whilst still recognising costs. I n generating new product ideas, the business leadership must determine whether compromises will be made, opportunity costs or trade-offs, in order to launch a new product or service on the market. ... Innovations, however, are critical to maintaining a stable market position. Strategy formulation determines the objectives necessary to achieve a long-term market position. Strategy defines sustainability over the long-run or whether growth is an expectation related to revenue-building. An entrepreneurial dimension of strategy is persisting to find a better fit in the competitive market or developing a vision by which the organisation founds its values and organisational structure against (Majumdar 2008). Developing a long-term orientation is necessary in business planning as it determines the strategic direction the business intends to pursue and thus resources are allocated toward meeting this purpose. Market analysis and competitive strategy Michael Porter identifies five competitive forces that impact business success, including threat of new entrants, the availability of substitute products, supplier and buyer power in the market, and concerns over what types of competitive stra tegies are being developed by other businesses operating in the same market (Porter 2010). It is necessary to scan the external environment in order to understand what socio-economic and socio-cultural trends are observable in key target markets in order to develop a service or product plan designed to properly fit these attitudes or financial predictors. Market analysis identifies all of the fundamental hindrances or advantages that are linked to strategic intention and competitive strategy, thus the planning process must include market research. Businesses that are heavily reliant on consumer revenues must understand what drives buyer behaviour, and this is best performed through surveys, questionnaires or focus groups. Consumers either favour or disapprove of a particular

Strategic leadership in a changing world Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Strategic leadership in a changing world - Essay Example In this regard, while the classical approach to strategic management remains a highly relevant issue, it is through aligning the goals and vision of the business with the changes in the competition, market, and global society that the company is able to truly thrive in its industry. In this light, I wish to divide my discussion into four basic parts. The first part will be devoted for a short review on the unchanging relevance of formulating business strategy. To further deepen the discussion, I intend to infuse Michael Porter’s lectures on competitive advantage and its role in ensuring a strong positioning in the industry. The second part will widen the definitions of business strategy by introducing the concepts of internal and external stakeholders; of current, competitive, and emerging markets; and of cultural and socio-political environments. The last part will then focus on the individual understanding of the two authors on the need for an innovative and creative workfor ce. This part, specifically, will bolster on: (1) the role of inspiring and highly-motivating leaders; and (2) the concept of effective communication as the fuel for big changes in the company. ... Through this definition, we are able to highlight the two crucial concepts in strategic management. The first banks on the process of analyzing the company’s values, mission, and vision; of leaders creating strategic decisions on its overarching business goals based on an in-depth understanding of its internal structure and a holistic view of the industry where it participates in; and of specific business units taking actions as summarized in the company’s business strategy (Gregory et. al, 2005). On the other hand, the second concept deals with the need to outperform the competition. Michael Porter echoes this position as he discusses strategic management as primarily aimed at radically differentiating one’s company from its competitors in a manner that is sustainable and ‘copy-proof’ (Porter, n.d.). To Jorgensen (2008), however, Michael Porter’s main perspective on strategic management as creating differentiated positioning must not be divor ced from the ideas of understanding the dynamics of the industry and the development of a lasting competitive advantage. In this regard, it can be claimed that Porter’s work entitled Competitive Strategy (1980) has provided significant teachings on the rationale behind knowing one’s industry well. In this work, not only did Porter integrate the concepts of micro- and macro-economics in the management of businesses, he was also able to introduce the forces that shape the nature of one’s industry. Popularly named The Five Forces, Porter was able to not only highlight the status of competition, as well as the strengths of buyers and suppliers in assessing the viability of securing a strong position in the industry, he was also able to reinforce the emerging significance of barriers to entry and threats of

THE LABOR MARKET Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

THE LABOR MARKET - Essay Example No individual firm can influence the wages of labor, and neither can labor unions, whose primary role is to fight for better work conditions and better pay for its members. In the short-run, the curve for labor demand is not flexible and is steep because, in a short time, firms do not get the adequate opportunity to respond to rapid changes in the market (Flinn, 2010). But in the long-run, this curve is flexible and flat since firms can adjust their schedules and processes to meet market changes. In a competitive market, a company will only hire some workers whose marginal benefit in productivity is the same as the marginal cost of labor. The company will only employ the number of employees it will be able to afford at the wage rate set by the market. When a firm uses cheaper substitutes of labor, like machines, the demand for labor will decrease. If these tools are readily available, more efficient than manual labor, and the cost of employing labor substitutes is less than the marginal cost of labor, firms will demand less of labor. Availability of labor alternatives is being enhanced by rapid changes in technology, which produces equipment and machinery that can easily replace human labor. Another factor that would lead to a decrease in the demand for labor is a change in the number of firms in a particular industry. When there are numerous barriers to entry into an industry, the firms there will be few, and demand for labor will not increase when all other factors are held constant. Where there are few or no barriers to entry, an industry becomes very competitive so that firms can easily enter and trade. An increase in firms increases the demand for labor since human capital is needed to run these new companies. If the market price of the product or service a company produces increases, the demand for labor will increase in the short-run and reduce in the long-run. When the prices rise, sales will yield

The Goddess Isis Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

The Goddess Isis - Essay Example She was widely worshipped by people in Egypt as well as other countries of the Mediterranean Region during ancient times. The Legend of Isis is one of the oldest myths in Egyptian history. It was the foundation of the old Egyptian state religion. The first written records about her appeared in the hieroglyphics in the Pyramid Texts during the period 2350 – 2100 BC (Goddess.ws). In the beginning there existed the Sun god named Ra and his wife called Nut. Nut fell in love with another God named Geb. When Ra discovered his wife’s infidelity, he became very angry and punished Nut by cursing her that she could not give birth on any child during any of the then 360 days that comprised a calendar year. In her sadness and desperation to have children, Nut turned to Thoth, the god of knowledge, for help. Thoth, who knew that there was no way to evade Ra’s curse, formulated a plan. The plan involved the Moon goddess Silene primarily because at that time the intensity of her moonlight was equal to the sunlight of Ra. Thoth challenged Silene to a wager whereby she would surrender one seventh of her moonlight if she lost. Thoth won the wager and won one seventh of Silene’s light {this is the reason why the moon wanes every month}. Thoth used his part of moonlight to add 5 days to the calendar year, thereby increasing the number of days in a year fr om 360 to 365. The success of Thoth’s plan provided Nut with a span of 5 days during which she could give birth to five children fathered by Geb while at the same time not evading Ra’s curse on her. Nut gave birth to Osiris on the first day. Horus was born on the second day followed by Seth, Isis and Nephthys on the third, fourth and fifth days respectively (Crystalinks.com). Osiris grew up and became Pharaoh of Egypt. He married his sister Isis. Osiris was a good and conscientious ruler who devoted all his time and energy towards civilizing his people (Crystalinks.com). He was

Business & Society case Study Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Business & Society case Study - Essay Example Market stakeholders aid Disney Corporation in delivering its services to the community, notably the provision of job opportunities to the surrounding communities, though commuting from the less expensive surrounding community since the area is considered to being a business location and not for settlement. The first key market stakeholders are the creditors who play an important role in the day to day running of the business in most corporations as they provide the unavailable funds that companies and businesses require to invest in as the aim to boosts its business activities (James E. Post 6). Disneyland is a business location in which their major business is the tourist and resort centre which is a booming industry. The creditors of the companies involved in the tourism and resort business are the major stakeholders because they have lent their money expecting the returns of capital principal as well as the interest (James E. Post 15). The second key stakeholder in this case study are the employees who contribute the relevant knowledge and experience as the workforce to the company in which, in return, they get wages benefits, salaries and the chance for personal realization and satisfaction. The third suppliers who are the holding key backbone on the going concern of the tourist and resort business in Disneyland, the suppliers supply services, energy, raw materials, other various inputs in return for payments. The final non-market stakeholders are the wholesalers, distributors and the retailers who are the main chain of the distribution in the whole process thus aiding its movement to the final consumers (Post et al. 25). In this case, the non-market stakeholders are the surrounding society, the general public, media, non-governmental organizations and the business support groups. All of these non-market stakeholders are generally not affected by the economic exchange of the company. It is important to note that the decisions of

Humes Skeptical Empiricism and Lockes Empiricism Essay Example for Free

Humes Skeptical Empiricism and Lockes Empiricism Essay Empiricism claims that knowledge is gained largely by experience, observation and also sensory perception. Human knowledge and ideas are gained empirically and through experience. Locke and Hume are empiricists who have different views about human knowledge perception. Therefore, empiricism is a theory of knowledge that arises from evidence gathered through experience of sense. It is a field that complicates views which predominates human knowledge as it emphasis on the role of experience, evidence, perception, and formation of ideas. Hume’s skeptical empiricism was Marjory on external world being rationally unjustifiable. Hume argued that in keeping with empiricism views, all knowledge derives from sense of experience. Through this he divided human knowledge in to two categories that is; the relations of ideas and matters of fact. Therefore, for Hume an impression corresponds roughly with sensation. A person’s ability to remember and imagine such impressions is known as having ideas. Therefore, Hume argued that ideas are the faint copies of sensations. Through his skeptical arguments, he explained that all knowledge cannot be established by reason. Through out his argument, he added that inductive reasoning is required to justify circular arguments about a certain issue. The premises for the principle of inductive reasoning can be reached and justified through circular argument. He concluded that such things as beliefs in an external world in the existence of the self were not rationally justifiable. Therefore, his skeptical arguments cast on the legitimacy of inductive reasoning allow many skeptics who follow it to cast similar doubts. Locke on the other hand, held that some knowledge could be arrived at through intuition and reasoning alone. Locke expressed his ideas on issues regarding to mind and white paper which leads to proper reasoning. According to Locke, the mind is like a white paper on which the experiences leave their marks. Therefore, according to his argument the predominant sources of ideas and knowledge are sensation and reflection of information. The information could ultimately lead to the internalization of knowledge making it seem innate recall of information. In this case the empiricism denied that human beings have innate ideas and anything is understandable without ideas. According to Locke’s argument, any knowledge that needs to be properly inferred or deduced should be gained ultimately from one sense based on experience. Therefore, according to Locke’s position understanding is set of propositions present to consciousness. However, the central point is missed in his argument that faculties are innate but not conscious propositional knowledge. These assumptions of cognitive transparency were challenged by Hume who argued towards positive cognitive faculties. Hume argued that there are certain traits or characteristics that could not be traced back to experience. Therefore, through his argument he contrasted Locke. The main difference between the two is seen in the point that understanding is a product consisting of propositions. It is also assumed as a process where by power of making inferences requires an explanation. According to Locke’s argument, the human minds resort to reflection on information which leads to decision making process. Reflection in this aspect could ultimately lead to internalization of knowledge making it seem innate upon recall of the information. On the contrary, Hume agued that new ideas are simply as a result of improvements made to existing ideas gained through impressions and sensations.

Television Public Service Broadcasting In India

Television Public Service Broadcasting In India Despite having global presence through two international channels from its bouquet, Doordarshan still lacks critical acclaim and popularity. After 50 years of its existence, it is far away from being a responsible public broadcaster producing quality programmes considering the technological up-gradations. This article tries to review the long 50 years of television public broadcasting in India, beginning with exploring its origin in 1959, travelling through the mile stones in broadcasting, and concluding at analyzing the pitfalls and challenges ahead, as against other PBS in the world. This is purely a qualitative study based on textual analysis. Key Words Public Service Broadcasting, Doordarshan, AIR, Prasar Bharati, SITE, Propaganda, BBC, CNN, LPG Policy, Satellite Television, Carnegie document Introduction For many in India, television still means Doordarshan, the only visual Public Service Broadcasting in India. The emergence of television in India in 1959 kindled several prospects of making the medium a facilitator of public education and social service since, in a country like India, a public broadcasting can play a very crucial role in eradicating illiteracy and social superstitions considering the multi-religious and multi-cultural population it holds. The idea of a public service broadcaster, as against the dominant American model of market-driven commercial broadcaster, is of utmost importance for a fast developing country like India, where it has to cater diverse audience, culture and language. Having accessible to 92% of population, the expectations of Doordarsshan as an active social commentator and guide is quite obvious. Public service broadcasting in its ideal form is driven by a sincere vision of providing accessible, diverse, independent and high-quality content to citiz ens. But this concept is losing ground, as 24 hour satellite channels altering the entertainment and educational need and perceptions of public to a greater extend which result in the tapering demarcation between commercial and public service broadcasting in India. However, when comparing with the other public service broadcasters in the world like BBC, ABC, and CBS, Indian public service broadcasting rarely get mentioned in International discourses. A service that could have made revolutions in social upliftment and every sectors of social life is struggling to get audience and their attention. Television in India, which celebrated its 50th year of existence in India, pose several concerns for Prasar Bharathi, the autonomous body ruling the public service media- AIR and Doordarshan, to rethink their strategies and programme quality. The proliferation of satellite commercial broadcasters made the road even punitive for the public broadcasters whose major source of financial income i s mainly the government fund. However recently, Doordarshan is again giving a ray of hope that it could make changes as a public broadcaster, but the revolution is very much gradual. This is evident in some of its liaison and joint venture with private channels in broadcasting programmes like Satyameva Jayate. The rationale for the failure of public broadcasting ranges from political patronage, bottlenecks to financial system and lethargic attitude towards broadcasting. Television as a social educator- an initial undertaking Even though experiments in television broadcasting were initiated during the 1920s in US and Europe, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting was reluctant to accept the demand from the educational institutions, politicians, industrialists and the middle-class in urban areas for the introduction of television in India (Kumar, 2000). The government felt that television is only a luxury that is not affordable for a nation like India, which is only in its genesis to reach economically stable. However, in 1958, Philips demonstrated the television usages in an exhibition at New Delhi, the capital of India, who also put forward an offer to provide Indian government with low cost transmitters. UNESCOs grant of $20,000 for the purchase of community receivers together with United States offer of some equipment was least unacceptable for the Ministry, which gave a green signal to it on an experimental basis. But the sole purpose was to inspect what a system like television can do to develo pmental programmes and formal education in India. On September 1959, under the department of AIR (All India Radio), a Television Centre was established in New Delhi, having low power transmitter, the range of which was only 40 Kilometers around Delhi. Unlike today, television was not a part of every household, but it was provided at about 180 teleclubs, situated around New Delhi. Social education programmes began to be telecasted twice a week each of 20 minutes duration. The programmes were modest, advising public about some hygienic activities. The Federal Republic of Germany helped in setting up a movable studio at New Delhi and, on 1965 august, apart from these social education programmes, entertainment and information programmes were introduced. By 1967, the duration of the service was increased to 3 hrs and the range of transmitter too was extended to 60 Kilometers encompassing more areas reaching to neighboring states like Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. The most significant progra mme was Krishi Darshan (1967) with the help of Department of Atomic Energy, the Indian Agricultural Research Institute, the Delhi Administration and the State Governments of Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. The great man and visionary behind the broadcasting development in India is Dr. Vikram Sarabhai, the brain behind the Indian Space exploration, who believed that satellite television system could bring in further reach to social and economical developments and make the communication system in India more potential(Singhal Rogers, 2001). As per his vision, a National Satellite Communication Group (NASCOM) was established in 1968. It recommended a broadcasting system in which communication satellites and ground based microwave relay transmitters will be used. Accordingly, in 1969, Department of Atomic Energy signed an agreement with NASA for the loan of a satellite free of cost for a year for a pilot experiment project called SITE (Satellite Instructional Television Experiment) which took off on August 1975. The service used NASAs ATS- 6 satellite to broadcast programmes directly through the satellite to the receivers or community sets installed at schools (through earth transmitters) at 2400 villages, spread over six states- Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. The programmes on education, agriculture, health and family planning, were broadcasted four hours a day from earth stations at Delhi and Ahmedabad. Programs were planned and produced by AIR with the help of government representatives, academicians and social workers at productions in Delhi, Hyderabad and Cuttack. To add with it, ISRO too set up its own Audio- Visual instruction Division to plan and produce programmes according to schedule. Of these four hours, one and a half period was aimed at children of primary and pre-primary schools. Since the satellite had only one video channel and two Audio channels, programmes could be transmitted only to two synchronized languages with same picture (Kumar, K.J; 2000) hence 22 minutes each day in Telugu, Kannada, Oriya and Hindi languages. Even though programmes relating to agriculture, family planning, health and education had some effect on the public, it didnt made a deep mark in the societal and educational development in India. A SITE evaluation Studies was instituted by the Planning Commission and Space Application Centre, Ahmedabad who concluded that there were no appreciable gains in the adoption of agricultural practices or family planning methods. Technologically too, SITE encountered many problems. By the first month itself, half of the TV receivers were out of order giving valuable learning experience for software and hardware people of the media. But despite its failure, SITE was the most ambitious step taken by the country in the television broadcasting. Nuances with Other Public Broadcasters John Reith, the first Director General of BBC opined that broadcasting should not be driven by market considerations, but should be reflecting high cultural standards. As such a license payment system was introduced so as to make fund for the financial activities of BBC and to increase their responsibility towards the public. Until the emergence of other private and satellite channels, commercials were unknown to BBC. But even when the competition enhanced among the broadcasters upon commercials, BBC almost relied on license payment as their main revenue source. Because of the fear of public protest, care is always given to adhere to their policies and accountability to their viewers. Today BBC has branched into different channel catering to al sections of the socity like BBC News, BBC Entertainment, BBC Knowledge CBeebies etc. BBC Learning, an online forum for all age groups spans a wide range of activities from programmes and resources for Schools and the Open University to educat ional interactive programmes like language learning, specific subject classes etc. It provides high quality learning resources on television, radio and online. In America, Corporation of Public Broadcasting (CPB), a non-profit institution created in 1967, funding Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) and National Public Radio (NPR), is vested with the responsibility of public service broadcasting. Even though considered as a market driven broadcasting, the quality and the role played by a non-profit broadcasting corporation is worth conferring. It is engaged primarily in the production, acquisition, distribution or dissemination of educational and cultural television or radio programmes and it meets the needs of the public. It is written in their Broadcasting Congressional Declaration Policy that the development of programming that involves creative risks and that addresses the needs of unserved and underserved audiences, particularly children and minorities (http://www.cpb.org/aboutpb/act/). Even though institutional setup is quite similar to Prasar Bharathi, program quality and diversity is incomparable. In Japan too, like India, broadcasting began as a public operation by Nippon Hoso Kokkai (NHK) in 1926, but the social responsibilities are defined in the broadcasting law. The concept of self-regulation, social responsibilities and public interest requirement of media are as key concepts to achieve the harmony between freedom of speech and expression and social order under the liberal and democratic system (Kishore, 2003). The earnestness and sincerity of public broadcasting is evident in the NHK Business Report which says, We aim at Broadcasting that is trustworthy and approachable. We will always be aware of the audience, make full use of new media such as the Internet, and establish two way communications by absorbing many opinions, and reflecting them in the contents. In view of the new age of multiple media in the 21st century, we will endeavor to strengthen the basis of public broadcasting by enhancing the connection with the audience. (NHK Official Website) Even though public service broadcasting of radio in India started in the BBC model of transmission, television didnt maintain this status quo. Doordarshan, since its inception, relied on government fund and later on in commercials, even though license was in currency until 1985. As said earlier, the control of broadcasting was completely vested upon government and hence left no chance of public commitment. By 1985, in the great television boom, advertising revenues allowed the abolition of license fees on television enabling the expansion of Doordarshan services. Committees appointed at different period, had diverse views on the control of PBS in India. Ashok Chanda Committee (1966) recommended for an institutional change to liberate the rigid financial and administrative procedures of the government because according to them it is not possible for a creative medium like broadcasting to flourish under a regime of departmental rules and regulations. Like BBC, it urged for a corporatio n set up by an Act of Parliament. But B.G Varghese Committee recommended an autonomous Trust called Akash Bharati which should be independent, impartial and autonomous, also under an Act of Parliament. In the wake of LPG Policy itself, there were uprisings from the part of administrators and officials to free the public broadcaster from the clutches of political administration. The demand for autonomy for the broadcast media was gaining increasing support. Even though the National Front Government introduced the Prasar Bharati Bill in the first Parliamentary session in January 1990 to grant autonomy to broadcast media, the Bill was kept quiescent until 1997. Witnessing the proliferation of satellite channels, thinking that privatization will be the refreshing factor, government waved green signal to the Act on September 1997. Thus the Prasar Bharathi Board came into existence under whose supervision and guidance public service broadcasting survive till date. The major drawback was the inability to put the Prasar Bharati Bill into force when it was passed in 1990, which was the pertinent time, and when it was passed, it became too late, as the media scene became crowded with private satellite broadcasters, where Doordarshan became a mere cacophony. By analyzing the history of other public broadcasters of the world, it is evident that India probably may be the only broadcaster that delayed the recognition and formation of independent public service broadcaster, even though the facility and service began decades before. It took almost four decades to make Public Broadcasting freed from the clutches of Government regime, but as it is formed as an act of Parliament, it still prevails under government consent and mercy. At the initial stage, programmes were only in English and Hindi. Later, upon Varghese Committee recommendations a three- tier system of broadcasting was introduced- National, regional and local- catering to diverse culture and language. At present Doordarshan operated through a network of 1400 terrestrial transmitter that cover almost 91% of population having 10 National Channels, 41 Regional and State Networks and two International Channel (DD Bharati, DD India). Even though AIR too come under the same governance of Prasar Bharati, they absolutely lack political coordination between them, making both work like separate entity. Amidst the Satellite Boom! The introduction of colour television prior to the Asian games was an appreciating step taken by the broadcasting ministry. Nevertheless the sale of TV sets too soared as the people wish to watch the games form their drawing rooms itself. But the Indian economy was still dwindling because of its policy of self reliance, closing doors to the rest of the world in fear of cultural imperialism. This was in fact the best time for Doordarshan to stamp its presence as a responsible public broadcaster by telecasting everlasting developmental stories. However, as a result of LPG (Liberalization, Privitization and Globalization) Policy in 1991, CNN was the first private channel to operate in India through the live coverage of Gulf war in 1991.Subsequently, Star TV owned by the media mogul Murdoch went on air with its four channels. It was a thunder hit for the public broadcaster Doordarshan since the newly came channels concentrated more on entertainment and refreshing programmes, whether Door darshan was still dwindling on defining its role. While Doordarshan as a mass medium had succeeded enormously with development support communication initially and reached out to marginalize sections with local content in far-flung areas of the country, it had failed desperately in its agenda of social development and communication, when the sudden inflow of satellite channels and foreign programmes conquered the small screens. Doordarshan responded to the proliferation of satellite channels through two veneer- increasing the number of channels and restructuring the contents. Hence, its four second channels operating in Delhi, Bombay, Madras and Lucknow operating their regional services, were merged into a single national channel named DD2 or DD Metro, which turned to be a pure entertainment channel with soap operas, film based programmes, sit-coms, game shows etc. Later on in the subsequent months, the coverage of this new channel was extended to include 18 more cities which now reach at almost everywhere in India. The DD 1 remained under the banner of development programming, along with the news bulletins, for which it was introduced in 1959. In order to compete with the growing popularity of STAR TV and Zee TV, Doordarshan started a 24 hr satellite movie channel through INSAT 2B, dubbed Movie Club, showing Hindi and English hit movies. However the channel was abolished four years later since its viewersh ip declined because of its regular broadcasting of flop movies and its repeated telecasts. DD 3, a channel launched for current affairs and arts, also died off with political interruptions. Amidst all this odd, Doordarshan now maintains 10 National channels, about 40 regional channels and two international broadcasting. Nevertheless, despite the introduction of new channels and programs, Doordarshan still is not able to reclaim the legacy that it enjoyed few years before the introduction of satellite channels. By 1996, there were almost 20 satellite and cable channels vying up for commercials for their survival apart from state broadcaster, which only increased by 2001 to occupy almost 250 channels, there by splitting the advertising revenue radically, affecting the state broadcaster depending upon commercials as well. The remarkable shift in the content orientation of Public broadcaster began when Doordarshan being unable to find programs to run 24 hour long in DD 2, leased time to private channels. As such MTV, the icon of western culture, conquered that opportunity, swiftly moving from STAR TV to DD 2 in 1994. As Sinha (1996) opined, this decision resulted in a mockery of the public broadcasting as a whole as Information and Broadcasting Minister K.P Singh Deos retorting in 1993 that cultural invasion by satellite television will be met with Doordarshans indigenous programming strategy. A shift from state- domination to market dominated system, was both unwelcoming for a public broadcasting like Doordarshan in a developing country and inevitable as the source of income is otherwise limited to government fund. Shakthiman and Surabhi initially collected many commercials but later on its audience began to be swept away by the private channels because of the formers diminishing programme quality and repetitive themes, which led to the proliferation of the private channels which put forward attractive and novel concepts of programming. Moreover, as said earlier, since Doordarshan drastically failed in its definition of development communication, amidst the satellite channel revolution, it failed to position itself as either a responsible public broadcaster or a commercial broadcaster. In the social responsibility theory, the media has certain obligations to society to serve its needs rather than the market. It expects journalists to answer societys need for truth, requires an open and diverse debate on public issues, and honest updates of current events. In this model, media ethics is automatic because the press is free to serve its purpose for the public, as opposed to special interest groups or advertisers (Coleman, B; 2009). Constraints by the organizational setup of Prasar Bharatu, public broadcasting in India took an entirely distinct meaning that of a low production quality broadcasting (Vasanti, 2009) Political Broadcasting or Propaganda Machine Realizing the potential of public service broadcasting, BBC model of radio broadcasting was adopted in India on 1930s. Since its inception and mainly after independence, it had been under the prejudices of Congress Party, who were ruling India for decades after independence. As Jeffrey (2006) pointed, after independence the legacy of broadcasting came under the control of Congress party, who put their own experiences, ideas and prejudices into media policy and most of the policy makers were hostile and ignorant towards media. In the case of television, perhaps, Indira Gandhi is the first Minister who recognized the potentiality of television for political propaganda. By 1970, the number of television sets drastically increased as the popularity of both the television sets and Indira Government soared. It was during the emergency period (June 26, 1975- January 1977) that great developments occurred as far as broadcasting is considered, even though it is considered as the darkest period for print media and for the society at large. By 1976, seven more transistors began to be operated in different parts of India- Bombay, Srinagar, Amritsar, Pune, Calcutta (Kolkatta), Madras (Chennai) and Lucknow. As per the Chanda Commission report, television and Air was separated in haste making television broadcasting a separate department, realizing the wide acceptability of this new medium among the public. It did almost nothing for the sake of society and was moving away from its social responsibilities for which it wa s introduced, but making itself as a propaganda machine for the Congress Government. DD 3 was initially planned as a channel dedicated to arts, dance, drama and current affairs, but was scrapped days before its expected launch in 1994 by then Congress Prime Minister, Narasimha Rao. Doordarshan planned to revamp its current affairs programme through this new channel making use of its monopoly of live broadcasting. This would have brought credibility and authenticity to its news service. However, Doordarshan being politically dominated, the survival of it was hardly possible amidst the strict invigilation of Ministry. The Congress government thought that the failure of their party in the by- election in some southern states is due to the activism of Doordarshan in current affairs, and that they felt this new channel could act against them in the coming elections also. By this termination, Doordarshan lost its opportunity to capture audience credibility as well as the market through its live coverage. It the next year, however, DD3 was re-launched with only to peter out within a few days due to financial burden as per the government. It was only in 2003 that Doordarshn again came out with a 24 hour news channel, replacing DD2. Hence Doordarshan always was expected to be politically committed to the government that decided its fate as well as failure. For instance in the post- emergency election campaign, Indira Gandhi ordered the Delhi Station to screen Bobby'(1974), a blockbuster film, in order to minimize the crowd at the oppositions partys rally. As Jeffrey (2006) pointed out amidst the envious tradition of media freedom, English speaking journalists and expanding electronic industry, the AIR and Doordarshan could not mold itself into a flexible and fast moving organization mainly because of its government clutches. Since its inception, public broadcasting continuous to face two major concerns the amount government control and the public broadcasters stand in political discussion. Even after forming Prasar Bharathi Board, this apprehension con tinuous as Prasar Bharati is still answerable to government because the source of funding is from government. Despite the rich and highly experienced human resources they possess, sincerity towards the duty as a social broadcaster was never performed by the officials. They are only answerable to the Parliament, not to the public, unlike BBC. Red tapism, beurocracy and bottle necks are rampant over the corridors. Lack of transparency, both in the managerial and financial take away the credibility of Doordarshan among the audience. The news bulletins broadcasted in DD1 AND DD News is premeditated in such a way that no opposition parties will get ample positive representations. This makes the programmes partial, unbalanced, discriminatory and subjective, in a country where there is absolute freedom of expression. Failures within! Public Broadcaster must be a powerful instrument of social, cultural and political development rather than just an alternative consumer service. There are some general consensuses about a Public Service Broadcaster despite its place of origin- i) the signals must be available to all devoid of any discrimination of caste, creed or religion, ii) the programmes should be of good quality for the public good and social enlightment taking into consideration the diverse audience and needs, and iii) it should be independent, autonomous and free from political and religious pressure. As far the public broadcasting of India is concerned, first criteria mentioned is well implemented, but back dropped in the other two. Even before the onslaught of satellite channels, Doordarshan was falling into the trap of overt entertainment by concentrating on soaps like Buniyaad and Yeh Jo Hai Zindagi, film musical shows like Chitrahar, Rangoli, the ideal period which could have been wisely used to make quality programmes. The opportunity was massive as it can be considered as a golden period of Doordarshan since it had the strong support from the part of audience whose only visual experience was through this channel. As a public broadcaster Doordarshan miserably failed in utilizing this period to build a strong stand of development communication and nature of programming. The invasion of mediasphere by the satellite channels wouldnt have made much impact on the public broadcaster if they would have made use of the monopoly they were enjoying. After the satellite channel boost, the road was unclear and tough as satellite channels backed with incisive financial support and quality maintiaing human resource began to conquer the households. Since it is not a profit and loss enterprise like commercial channels, it does not have the requisite push for better programming. Another major reason for their failure is their inefficiency or laggardness in considering the different notions of development. Till this period, development communication is only limited to agriculture (e.g. Karishi Darshan) and agro-related programmes, though India is basically an agrarian society. Human development, social and cultural development and development in science and technology, industry, small scale industry etc are almost neglected. Except for only a countable programmes like Surabhi, Programme by Prof .Yaspal, World this week by Prannoy Roy, Ankom Deki by Nalini Singh etc, it is not taking the don of an agent of social change in the Indian Public sphere. Minorities, ethnics and aboriginals are not given enough representations, space, and time by the public broadcaster, making them underrepresented. If Doordarshan has actively intervened in these areas of tribes, aboriginals, minorities etc it would have been a good opportunity for Doordarshan in the social reconstru ctions and society rebuilding. In the area of news as well, Doordarshan has failed dejectedly as often editorial decision is vested upon political patronage. The scrapped DD3 is a satisfactory example. It is not able to mould effective and powerful public opinion, plat form for discussion and debate and participations. For instance, News Bulletins are the trade mark of Doordarshan, which they boast as the perfect way of presenting current affairs to the society. The embargo imposed upon DD3 when it was introduced in 1985, created a cleft in its journey to attain incomparable position as a current affairs channel. As a reprisal, Doordarshan still follows the very old traditional method of news processing and dissemination, that seems to be mechanical and peripheral with no depth or investigative which often looks like government declarations and gazette. It often fails to get ample international news and footages because it lacks cooperations, sharing, and give and take from international news agencies and media gr oups. To add with the anguish, Doordarshan broadcasted programmes according to their national mandate not taking into consideration the diverse culture and linguistics of the nation. When channels are becoming more and more localized and niche-casted, as Agrawal, Raghaviah (2006) opined, one short coming Doordarshan faced was its Delhi-centric view of India especially in news coverage. Even though having innumerable regional channels, their authority is always vested with the centre. Though Doordarshan has the largest number of channels in its bouquet (see appendix 1), due to the lack of innovation, novelty and quality, it left itself to be the medium of villagers and low-income people, who have no other choice, but to content with the contents of the free broadcasting. 65% of population has access to satellite channels either through cable connection or DTH, thanks to the technological growth, but Doordarshan is viewed gravely by the remaining few. Doordarshan has not taken any strategy to take into considerations these minority viewers by effectively activating them through informative developmental programmes as media plays a vital role in nation building as a viable channel of development communication. It was in this concept that Rogers interpreted Diffusion of Innovation theory. Mass media channels are more effective in creating knowledge of innovations among the society where it will diffuse and spread through interpersonal communication. But this is not m ade use by Doordarshan even though has amble space for proper development communication. Even though Doordarshan entered into the media race by increasing the channels number and altering its contents, it was never considered as a strong competitor by other commercial channels due to its clichà ©d and outdated contents and poor telecast and presentation quality. The management structure and political pressure were the two main factors for the technological backwardness of public service broadcasting in India. In spite of the formation of Prasar Bharathi Corporation, it was not able to maintain autonomy as the management was always at the mercy of the ruling party. Doordarshan have the number one geographical coverage on Indian Population of 92% but it miserable fails to cater these populations with the use of modern technologies like online broadcast, internet protocol television formats and OB van broadcasts which is quite commonly utilized by commercial channels. For any television industry whether commercial or public broadcaster, the threat is evident in the proliferation of new media technologies like online content delivery, social networking sites, blogs etc, where contents are updated every seconds. When many of the commercial channels have taken the new online platform as a complimentary step rather than adversary by making the new technologies for catering interactive relationship with audience (through their effective websites, audience forum, enquiry board etc), Doordarshans online presence is just synonymous to a mere programme chart. The reason for the technological backwardness lies at the point that the focus of Indian broadcasting since 1970s had been largely on hardware expansion, not the quality maintenance. For instance after 1982, the agenda was each transmitter a day which has now become 1400 terrestrial transmitters altogether. Even though it made possible for the proliferation of television in rural areas, it didnt do much to improve the software techniques or quality aspects. In 1982, P.C Joshi committee was appointed to prepare the software plan for Doordarshan- An Indian Personality for Television. The report had ambitiously discovered the pitfalls of Public broadcasting in India and had come up with viab